BackBJP’s non-strategy in Parliament
The chaos in Parliament is due to poor management and not just numbers
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Finally, after a year of trying to get a new land acquisition law passed in Parliament, the Narendra Modi government has given up. On Monday, the government clearly hinted that the controversial clauses in the original 2013 law—which it sought to change—will be brought back. These are the so-called consent and social impact assessment clauses. Politically, this is a big setback for the government and is a clear reflection of the absence of a parliamentary strategy.
In the months after it came to power, the government repeatedly issued ordinances to bring in a changed version of the 2013 land acquisition law. Under these ordinances, a number of changes were made to the law that enabled easier acquisition of land by diluting the consent of those affected and deleted the social impact assessment clause. This was a risky strategy: As a signal of its intent, issuing ordinances served a purpose but unless it was converted into a law, it could backfire badly and instead signal that the government did not have traction in Parliament.
These fears have been proven right.
The government’s failed gamble, however, has less to do with numbers in Parliament and more to do with strategic acumen. In the Lok Sabha, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has a clear edge; in the Rajya Sabha it does not have even a simple majority. Overcoming this legislative hurdle required the party and government to plan for a joint session of Parliament where their numbers could have prevailed. For that to happen, the bill needed to be voted down in the Rajya Sabha after clearance by the Lok Sabha. This is an essential condition for calling a joint session. This strategy was never contemplated seriously.
For any government, there is a 16-18 month window after it assumes power to bring in tough laws. After that, India’s electoral calendar catches up, forcing the government to give up reforms and concentrate on re-election. The window for a joint session and consequent passage of a better land law lay somewhere in the budget session of Parliament and now that has passed. This year, state assembly elections are due in Bihar and the electoral calendar is packed in the years ahead as well.
Is this the end of the BJP government’s legislative reforms drive? For the time being at least, it seems to be the case. In case the Bihar election goes in its favour, the government may be able to summon some will power and go back to the drafting table. Otherwise, the road to a new land law is effectively closed.
That, however, is only one problem staring at the government and the BJP. The climb-down on the land law will further embolden the Congress party and running Parliament may become tough for the BJP. This development is a reason for worry not only for the BJP but for all Indians. If laws cannot be passed and sustained pressure is brought to bear on the government, India probably stares at a governability crisis.
Modi was voted into power with a thumping majority largely for two reasons. One, the Congress’ record of corruption; and two, the abysmal decline in governance during the last years of the United Progressive Alliance government. This led to repeated deadlock in Parliament. If the BJP stares at a similar situation—inability to run Parliament—in its second year, this is not a good sign for the country.
Can the situation be retrieved? As argued above, it is more an issue of poor strategy and not parliamentary strength as such. For starters, the BJP needs to change its parliamentary managers. For another, the party’s brass—Prime Minister Modi especially—have to pay greater attention to managing Parliament. It is also a function of psychology in a democracy: the moment a government thinks it is besieged, that is the beginning of the end for it. The BJP has no reason to think that way.
What explains the BJP’s poor parliamentary strategy? Tell us at views@livemint.com
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